Mahomed Ali Jinnah

Mahomed Ali Jinnah bay 25 December 1876 11 September 1948 was a lawyer politician, and the founder of Pakistan. Jinnah served as leader of the All-India Muslim League from 1913 until Pakistan's independence on 14 August 1947and as Pakistan's first Governor-General from independence until his death. He is revered in Pakistan as Quaid-I-AZ am Great Leader and Baba-I-Qualm Father of the Nation. His birthday is observed as a national holiday. Born in Karachi and trained as a barrister at Lincoln's Inn in London, Jinnah rose to prominence in the Indian National Congress in the first two decades of the 20th century. In these early years of his political career, Jinnah advocated Hindu–Muslim unity, helping to shape the 1916 Luck now Pact between the Congress and the All-India Muslim League, a party in which Jinnah had also become prominent. Jinnah became a key leader in the All India Home Rule League, and proposed a fourteen-point constitutional reform plan to safeguard the political rights of Muslims should a united British India become independent. In 1920, however, Jinnah resigned from the Congress when it agreed to follow a campaign of Satyagraha, or non-violent resistance, advocated by the influential leader, Mohandas Gandhi. By 1940, Jinnah had come to believe that Indian Muslims should have their own state. In that year, the Muslim League, led by Jinnah, passed the Lahore Resolution, demanding a separate nation. During the Second World War, the League gained strength while leaders of the Congress were imprisoned, and in the elections held shortly after the war, it won most of the seats reserved for Muslims. Ultimately, the Congress and the Muslim League could not reach a power-sharing formula for a united India, leading all parties to agree to separate independence for a predominately Hindu India, and for a Muslim-majority state, to be called Pakistan. As the first Governor-General of Pakistan, Jinnah worked to establish the new nation's government and policies and to aid the millions of Muslim migrants who had emigrated from the new nation of India to Pakistan after the partition, personally supervising the establishment of refugee camps. Jinnah died at age 71 in September 1948, just over a year after Pakistan gained independence from the British Raj. He left a deep and respected legacy in Pakistan, though he is less well thought of in India. According to his biographer, Stanley Wilbert, he remains Pakistan's greatest leader. Jinnah was born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai most likely in 1876 to Jinnahbhai Poona and his wife Mithibai in a rented apartment on the second floor of Wizard Mansion Karachi Jinnah's birthplace is in Sindh a region today part of Pakistan, but then within the Bombay Presidency of British India. His father was a prosperous Gujarati merchant who had been born to a family of weavers in the village of Paneli in the princely state of Gonadal; his mother was also of that village. They had moved to Karachi about 1875 having married before their departure. Karachi was then enjoying an economic boom: the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 meant it was 200 nautical miles closer to Europe for shipping than Bombay. Jinnah's family was of the Ismailia Kahoka branch of Shi'a Islam though Jinnah later followed the Twelve Shi'a teachings. Jinnah was the second child he had three brothers and three sisters, including his younger sister Fatima Jinnah. The parents were native Gujarati speakers, and the children also came to speak Kutch Sindhi and English Except for Fatima, little is known of his siblings, where they settled or if they met with their brother as he advanced in his legal or political careers As a boy, Jinnah lived for a time in Bombay with an aunt and may have attended the Goal Das Tajo Primary School there, or possibly a madrasa, later on moving to the Cathedral and John Conon School. In Karachi, he attended the Sindh-Madrasa-tul-Islam and the Christian Missionary Society High School. He gained his matriculation from Bombay University at the high school. In his later years and especially after his death, a large number of stories about the boyhood of Pakistan's founder were circulated: that he spent all his spare time at the police court, listening to the proceedings and that he studied his books by the glow of street lights for lack of other illumination.

In 1893 the Jinnahbhai family

His official biographer, Hector Bolitho, writing in 1954 interviewed surviving boyhood associates, and obtained a tale that the young Jinnah discouraged other children from playing marbles in the dusturging them to rise up, keep their hands and clothes clean and play cricket instead. In 1892 Sir Frederick Leigh Croft a business associate of Jinnahbhai Poona offered young Jinnah a London apprenticeship with his firm, Graham's Shipping and Trading Company. He accepted the position despite the opposition of his mother, who before he left, had him enter an arranged marriage with a girl two years his junior from the ancestral village of Panel, Embay Jinnah. Jinnah's mother and first wife both died during his absence in England although the apprenticeship in London was considered a great opportunity for Jinnah, one reason for sending him overseas was a legal proceeding against his father, which placed the family's property at risk of being sequestered by the court. In 1893 the Jinnahbhai family moved to Bombay. Soon after his arrival in London, Jinnah gave up the apprenticeship in order to study law, enraging his father, who had, before his departure, given him enough money to live for three years. The aspiring barrister joined Lincoln's Inn, later stating that the reason he chose Lincoln's over the other Inns of Court was that over the main entrance to Lincoln's Inn were the names of the world's great lawgivers, including Muhammad. Jinnah's biographer Stanley Wilbert notes that there is no such inscription, but instead inside is a mural showing Muhammad and other lawgivers, and speculates that Jinnah may have edited the story in his own mind to avoid mentioning a pictorial depiction which would be offensive to many Muslims. Jinnah's legal education at the Inns of Court followed the apprenticeship system, which had been in force there for centuries. To gain knowledge of the law he followed an established barrister and learned from what he did, as well as from studying law books. During this period, he shortened his name to Muhammad Ali Jinnah. During his student years in England, Jinnah was influenced by 19th-century British liberalism, like many other future Indian independence leaders. This political education included exposure to the idea of the democratic nation, and progressive politics. He became an admirer of the Paris Indian political leaders Dadabhai Nairobi and Sir Pherozeshah Mehta. Nairobi had become the first Member of Parliament of Indian extraction shortly before Jinnah's arrival, triumphing with a majority of three votes in Finsbury Central. Jinnah listened to his maiden speech in the House of Commons from the visitor's gallery. The Western world not only inspired Jinnah in his political life, but also greatly influenced his personal preferences, particularly when it came to dress. Jinnah abandoned Indian garb for Western style clothing and throughout his life he was always impeccably dressed in public.

In 1895 at age 19

He came to own over 200 suits, which he wore with heavily starched shirts with detachable collars, and as a barrister took pride in never wearing the same silk tie twice. Even when he was dying, he insisted on being formally dressed I will not travel in my pajamas. In his later years he was usually seen wearing a Karakul hat which subsequently came to be known as the Jinnah cap Dissatisfied with the law, Jinnah briefly embarked on a stage career with a Shakespearean company, but resigned after receiving a stern letter from his father In 1895, at age 19 he became the youngest Indian to be called to the bar in England Although he returned to Karachi, he remained there only a short time before moving to Bombay. Aged twenty, Jinnah began his practice in Bombay, the only Muslim barrister in the city. English had become his principal language and would remain so throughout his life. His first three years in the law, from 1897 to 1900 brought him few briefs. His first step towards a brighter career occurred when the acting Advocate General of Bombay, John Moles worth MacPherson, invited Jinnah to work from his chambers in 1900, P. H. Distort, a Bombay presidency magistrate left the post temporarily and Jinnah succeeded in getting the interim position. After his six-month appointment period, Jinnah was offered a permanent position on a 1,500 rupee per month salary. Jinnah politely declined the offer, stating that he planned to earn 1,500 rupees a day—a huge sum at that time—which he eventually did Nevertheless, as a lawyer, Jinnah gained fame for his skilled handling of the 1907 Caucus Case. This controversy arose out of Bombay municipal elections, which Indians alleged were rigged by a caucus of Europeans to keep Sir Pherozeshah Mehta out of the council. Jinnah gained great esteem from leading the case for Sir Pherozeshah, himself a noted barrister. Although Jinnah did not win the Caucus Case, he posted a successful record, becoming well known for his advocacy and legal logic. In 1908, his factional foe in the Indian National Congress BAL Gangadhar Tikal was arrested for sedition. Before Tikal unsuccessfully represented himself at trial he engaged Jinnah in an attempt to secure his release on bail. Jinnah did not succeed, but obtained an acquittal for Tikal when he was charged with sedition again in 1916. One of Jinnah's fellow barristers from the Bombay High Court remembered that "Jinnah's faith in him was incredible he recalled that on being admonished by a judge with "Mr. Jinnah, remember that you are not addressing a third-class magistrate" Jinnah shot back My Lord, allow me to warn you that you are not addressing a third-class pleader Another of his fellow barristers described him On 20 February 1947, Attlee announced Mountbatten's appointment, and that Britain would transfer power in India not later than June 1948. Mountbatten took office as Viceroy on 24 March 1947 two days after his arrival in India. By then, the Congress had come around to the idea of partition. Nehru stated in 1960 the truth is that we were tired men and we were getting on in years

Bengal and Punjab

The plan for partition offered a way out and we took it. Leaders of the Congress decided that having loosely tied Muslim-majority provinces as part of a future India was not worth the loss of the powerful government at the center which they desired. However, the Congress insisted that if Pakistan were to become independent, Bengal and Punjab would have to be divided. Mountbatten had been warned in his briefing papers that Jinnah would be his toughest customer who had proved a chronic nuisance because no one in this country India had so far gotten into Jinnah's mind the men met over six days beginning on 5 April. The sessions began lightly when Jinnah, photographed between Louis and Edwina Mountbatten, quipped a rose between two thorns which the Viceroy took, perhaps gratuitously, as evidence that the Muslim leader had pre planned his joke, but had expected the vicereine to stand in the middle. Mountbatten was not favorably impressed with Jinnah, repeatedly expressing frustration to his staff about Jinnah's insistence on Pakistan in the face of all argument. Jinnah feared that at the end of the British presence in India, they would turn control over to the Congress-dominated constituent assembly, putting Muslims at a disadvantage in attempting to win autonomy. He demanded that Mountbatten divide the army prior to independence, which would take at least a year. Mountbatten had hoped that the post-independence arrangements would include a common defense force, but Jinnah saw it as essential that a sovereign state should have its own forces. Mountbatten met with Liquate the day of his final session with Jinnah, and concluded, as he told Attlee and the Cabinet in May, that it had become clear that the Muslim League would resort to arms if Pakistan in some form were not conceded. The Viceroy was also influenced by negative Muslim reaction to the constitutional report of the assembly, which envisioned broad powers for the post-independence central government. On 2 June, the final plan was given by the Viceroy to Indian leaders: on 15 August, the British would turn over power to two dominions. The provinces would vote on whether to continue in the existing constituent assembly, or to have a new one, that is, to join Pakistan. Bengal and Punjab would also vote, both on the question of which assembly to join, and on partition. A boundary commission would determine the final lines in the partitioned provinces. Plebiscites would take place in the North-West Frontier Province which did not have a League government despite an overwhelmingly Muslim population and in the majority-Muslim Sleet district of Assam, adjacent to eastern Bengal. On 3 June, Mountbatten, Nehru, Jinnah and Sikh leader Balder Singh made the formal announcement by radio Jinnah concluded his address with Pakistan indaba long live Pakistan which was not in the script. In the weeks which followed Punjab and Bengal cast the votes which resulted in partition. Sleet and the N.W.F.P. voted to cast their lots with Pakistan a decision joined by the assemblies in Sind and Baluchistan. On 4 July 1947 Liquate asked Mountbatten on Jinnah's behalf to recommend to the British king George VI that Jinnah be appointed Pakistans first governor-general.

State of Pakistan

This request angered Mountbatten, who had hoped to have that position in both dominions-he would be India's first post-independence governor-general—but Jinnah felt that Mountbatten would be likely to favor the new Hindu-majority state because of his closeness to Nehru. In addition, the governor-general would initially be a powerful figure, and Jinnah did not trust anyone else to take that office. Although the Boundary Commission, led by British lawyer Sir Cyril Radcliffe had not yet reported, there were already massive movements of populations between the nations-to-be, as well as sectarian violence. Jinnah arranged to sell his house in Bombay and procured a new one in Karachi. On 7 August, Jinnah, with his sister and close staff, flew from Delhi to Karachi in Mountbatten's plane, and as the plane taxied he was heard to murmur that’s the end of that. On 11 August, he presided over the new constituent assembly for Pakistan at Karachi, and addressed them, You are free you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this State of Pakistan You may belong to any religion or caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the State. On 14 August Pakistan became independent; Jinnah led the celebrations in Karachi. One observer wrote, Here indeed is Pakistan's King Emperor, Archbishop of Canterbury, Speaker and Prime Minister concentrated into one formidable Quaid e AZ am. The Radcliffe Commission, dividing Bengal and Punjab, completed its work and reported to Mountbatten on 12 August; the last Viceroy held the maps until the 17th, not wanting to spoil the independence celebrations in both nations. There had already been ethnically charged violence and movement of populations; publication of the Radcliffe Line dividing the new nations sparked mass migration, murder, and ethnic cleansing. Many on the wrong side of the lines fled or were murdered, or murdered others, hoping to make facts on the ground which would reverse the commission's verdict. Radcliffe wrote in his report that he knew that neither side would be happy with his award he declined his fee for the work. Christopher Beaumont, Radcliffe's private secretary, later wrote that Mountbatten "must take the blame—though not the sole blame-for the massacres in the Punjab in which between 500,000 to a million men, women and children perished As many as 14,500,000 people relocated between India and Pakistan during and after partition. Jinnah did what he could for the eight million people who migrated to Pakistan although by now over 70 and frail from lung ailments he travelled across West Pakistan and personally supervised the provision of aid According to Ahmed, What Pakistan needed desperately in those early months was a symbol of the state, one that would unify people and give them the courage and resolve to succeed. Along with Liquate and Abdu Rib Ishtar, Jinnah represented Pakistan's interests in the Division Council to appropriately divide public assets between India and Pakistan Pakistan was supposed to receive one-sixth of the pre-independence government's assets, carefully divided by agreement, even specifying how many sheets of paper each side would receive. The new Indian state, however, was slow to deliver, hoping for the collapse of the nascent Pakistani government, and reunion. Few members of the Indian Civil Service and the Indian Police Service had chosen Pakistan, resulting in staff shortages.

Made in Pakistan

Crop growers found their markets on the other side of an international border. There were shortages of machinery, not all of which was made in Pakistan. In addition to the massive refugee problem, the new government sought to save abandoned crops, establish security in a chaotic situation, and provide basic services. According to economist Yemen Niaz Mohiuddin in her study of Pakistan although Pakistan was born in bloodshed and turmoil it survived in the initial and difficult months after partition only because of the tremendous sacrifices made by its people and the selfless efforts of its great leader. And Indore to accede to Pakistan—these princely states did not border Pakistan, and each had a Hindu-majority population. The coastal princely state of Junagadh, which had a majority-Hindu population, did accede to Pakistan in September 1947 with its ruler's dean, Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto, personally delivering the accession papers to Jinnah. The Indian army occupied the principality in November, forcing its former leaders, including Bhutto, to flee to Pakistan, beginning the politically powerful Bhutto family. The most contentious of the disputes was, and continues to be, that over the princely state of Kashmir. It had a Muslim-majority population and a Hindu maharaja, Sir Hair Singh, who stalled his decision on which nation to join. With the population in revolt in October 1947, aided by Pakistani irregulars, the maharaja acceded to India; Indian troops were airlifted in. Jinnah objected to this action, and ordered that Pakistani troops move into Kashmir. The Pakistani Army was still commanded by British officers, and the commanding officer, General Sir Douglas Graney, refused the order, stating that he would not move into what he considered the territory of another nation without approval from higher authority, which was not forthcoming. Jinnah withdrew the order. This did not stop the violence there, which has broken into war between India and Pakistan from time to time since. Some historians allege that Jinnah's courting the rulers of Hindu-majority states and his gambit with Junagadh are evidence of ill-intent towards India, as Jinnah had promoted separation by religion, yet tried to gain the accession of Hindu-majority states. In his book Patel: A Life Raj Mohan Gandhi asserts that Jinnah hoped for a plebiscite in Junagadh, knowing Pakistan would lose, in the hope the principle would be established for Kashmir. Despite the United Nations Security Council Resolution 47 issued at India's request for a plebiscite in Kashmir after the withdrawal of Pakistani forces, this has never occurred. In January 1948 the Indian government finally agreed to pay Pakistan its share of British India's assets. They were impelled by Gandhi, who threatened a fast until death. Only days later, Gandhi was assassinated by Natural Gods, a Hindu nationalist, who believed that Gandhi was pro-Muslim? Jinnah made a brief statement of condolence, calling Gandhi one of the greatest men produced by the Hindu community In March, Jinnah, despite his declining health, made his only post-independence visit to East Pakistan. In a speech before a crowd estimated at 300,000, Jinnah stated in English that Urdu alone should be the national language, believing a single language was needed for a nation to remain united.

East Pakistan

The Bengali-speaking people of East Pakistan strongly opposed this policy, and in 1971 the official language issue was a factor in the region's secession to form Bangladesh. From the 1930s Jinnah suffered from tuberculosis only his sister and a few others close to him were aware of his condition. Jinnah believed public knowledge of his lung ailments would hurt him politically. In a 1938 letter, he wrote to a supporter that "you must have read in the papers how during my tours I suffered, which was not because there was anything wrong with me, but the irregularities of the schedule and over-strain told upon my health Many years later, Mountbatten stated that if he had known Jinnah was so ill, he would have stalled, hoping Jinnah's death would avert partition. Fatima Jinnah later wrote, "Even in his hour of triumph, the Quaid-e-As am was gravely ill He worked in a frenzy to consolidate Pakistan. And, of course he totally neglected his health Jinnah worked with a tin of Craven a cigarettes at his desk, of which he had smoked 50 or more a day for the previous 30 years, as well as a box of Cuban cigars. He took longer and longer rest breaks in the private wing of Government House in Karachi, where only he, Fatima and the servants were allowed. In June 1948, he and Fatima flew to Quetta, in the mountains of Baluchistan, where the weather was cooler than in Karachi. He could not completely rest there, addressing the officers at the Command and Staff College saying, "You, along with the other Forces of Pakistan are the custodians of the life property and honor of the people of Pakistan. He returned to Karachi for the 1 July opening ceremony for the State Bank of Pakistan, at which he spoke; a reception by the Canadian trade commissioner that evening in honor of Dominion Day was the last public event he ever attended. On 6 July 1948 Jinnah returned to Quetta, but at the advice of doctors soon journeyed to an even higher retreat at Zia rat. Jinnah had always been reluctant to undergo medical treatment, but realizing his condition, the Pakistani government sent the best doctors it could find to treat him. Tests confirmed tuberculosis, and showed evidence of lung cancer. Jinnah was informed, and asked for full information on his disease and for care in how his sister was told. He was treated with the new miracle drug of streptomycin, but it did not help. Jinnah's condition continued to deteriorate despite the Enid prayers of his people. He was moved to the lower altitude of Quetta on 13 August, the eve of Independence Day for which a statement ghost-written for him was released. Despite an increase in appetite he then weighed just over 36 kilograms 79 lb. it was clear to his doctors that if he was to return to Karachi in life he would have to do so very soon. Jinnah, however, was reluctant to go, not wishing his aides to see him as an invalid on a stretcher. By 9 September Jinnah had also developed pneumonia. Doctors urged him to return to Karachi, where he could receive better care, and with his agreement, he was flown there on 11 September. Dr. Ilia Box his personal physician believed that Jinnah's change of mind was caused by foreknowledge of death. The plane landed at Karachi to be met by Jinnah's limousine, and an ambulance into which Jinnah's stretcher was placed. The ambulance broke down on the road into town, and the Governor-General and those with him waited for another to arrive; he could not be placed in the car as he could not sit up. They waited by the roadside in oppressive heat as trucks and buses passed by, unsuitable for transporting the dying man and with their occupants not knowing of Jinnah's presence. After an hour, the replacement ambulance came, and transported Jinnah to Government House, arriving there over two hours after the landing. Jinnah died at pm at his home in Karachi on 11 September 1948 just over a year after Pakistan's creation. Indian Prime Minister Nehru stated upon Jinnah's death How shall we judge him

I have been very angry with him often during the past years. But now there is no bitterness in my thought of him, only a great sadness for all that has been he succeeded in his quest and gained his objective, but at what a cost and with what a difference from what he had imagined. Jinnah was buried on 12 September 1948 amid official mourning in both India and Pakistan a million people gathered for his funeral. Indian Governor-General Rajagopalachari cancelled an official reception that day, in honor of the late leader. Today, Jinnah rests in a large marble mausoleum Maar-e-Quaid in Karachi. Dina Wada, Jinnah's daughter, remained in India after independence before ultimately settling in New York City. In the 1965 presidential election, Fatima Jinnah, by then known as Madder-e-Millet Mother of the Nation became the presidential candidate of a coalition of political parties that opposed the rule of President Aruba Khan, but was not successful. The Jinnah House in Malabar Hill Bombay, is in the possession of the Government of India but the issue of its ownership has been disputed by the Government of Pakistan Jinnah had personally requested Prime Minister Nehru to preserve the house, hoping one day he could return to Mumbai. There are proposals for the house be offered to the government of Pakistan to establish a consulate in the city as a goodwill gesture, but Dina Wada has also asked for the property. After Jinnah died, his sister Fatima asked the court to execute Jinnah's will under Shia lslam La This subsequently became the part of argument in Pakistan about Jinnah's religious affiliation. Vail Nasr says Jinnah "was an Ismailia by birth and a Twelve Shia by confession though not a religiously observant mankind a 1970 legal challenge, Husain Ali Ganja Wallis claimed Jinnah had converted to Sunni Islam, but the High Court rejected this claim in 1976 effectively accepting the Jinnah family as Shia Publicly Jinnah had a non-sectarian stance and was at pains to gather the Muslims of India under the banner of a general Muslim faith and not under a divisive sectarian identity. In 1970 a Pakistani court decision stated that Jinnah's "secular Muslim faith made him neither Shia nor Sunni and in 1984 the court maintained that "the Quaid was definitely not a Shia Liquate H. Merchant elaborates that he was also not a Sunni, he was simply a Muslim. Jinnah's legacy is Pakistan. According to Mohiuddin, "He was and continues to be as highly honored in Pakistan as first US president George Washington is in the United States Pakistan owes its very existence to his drive tenacity, and judgment Jinnah’s importance in the creation of Pakistan was monumental and immeasurable.Wolpert, giving a speech in honor of Jinnah in 1998, deemed him Pakistan's greatest leader. According to Singh, "With Jinnah's death Pakistan lost its moorings. In India there will not easily arrive another Gandhi, nor in Pakistan another Jinnah. Malik writes, "As long as Jinnah was alive he could persuade and even pressure regional leaders toward greater mutual accommodation, but after his death, the lack of consensus on the distribution of political power and economic resources often turned controversial. According to Mohiuddin, Jinnah's death deprived Pakistan of a leader who could have enhanced stability and democratic governance The rocky road to democracy in Pakistan and the relatively smooth one in India can in some measure be ascribed to Pakistan's tragedy of losing an incorruptible and highly revered leader so soon after independence. Jinnah is depicted on all Pakistani rupee currency and is the namesake of many Pakistani public institutions. The former Quaid I As is International Airport in Karachi, now called the Jinnah International Airport is Pakistan's busiest. One of the largest streets in the Turkish capital Ankara, Cinch Caddies, is named after him, as is the Mohammad Ali Jonah Expressway in Teheran, Iran. The royalist government of Iran also released a stamp commemorating the centennial of Jinnah's birth in 1976. In Chicago a portion of Devon Avenue was named Mohammed Ali Jinnah Way. The Maar e Quaid Jinnah's mausoleum, is among Karachi's landmarks. The Jinnah Tower in Guntur Andhra Pradesh, India, was built to commemorate Jinnah. There is a considerable amount of scholarship on Jinnah which stems from Pakistan according to Akbar S. Ahmed, it is not widely read outside the country and usually avoids even the slightest criticism of Jinnah. According to Ahmed, nearly every book about Jinnah outside Pakistan mentions that he drank alcohol, but this is omitted from books inside Pakistan. Ahmed suggests that depicting the Quaid drinking alcohol would weaken Jinnah's Islamic identity, and by extension, Pakistan's. Some sources allege he gave up alcohol near the end of his life. According to historian Ayesha Jalal, while there is a tendency towards hagiography in the Pakistani view of Jinnah, in India he is viewed negatively Ahmed deems Jinnah "the most maligned person in recent Indian history In India, many see him as the demon who divided the land. Even many Indian Muslims see Jinnah negatively, blaming him for their woes as a minority in that state some historians such as Jalal and H. M. Serve assert that Jinnah never wanted partition of India it was the outcome of the Congress leaders being unwilling to share power with the Muslim League. They contend that Jinnah only used the Pakistan demand in an attempt to mobilize support to obtain significant political rights for Muslims Jinnah has gained the admiration of Indian nationalist politicians such as Lap Krishna Adjani